Ritual Techniques in Affliction Rites and the Lutheran-Catholic Ecumenical Liturgy of Lund, 2016

Protest and reconciliation rituals play a contested but important role in social change. This essay analyzes how rituals of reconciliation effectively negotiate between competing factions and norms by using ritual techniques as embodied symbols. Against the horizon of theory from Victor and Edith Turner and Cas Wepener, participant observation of the Lutheran and Catholic Joint Commemoration of the Reformation “Common Prayer” in Lund, Sweden on October 31, 2016 reveals five stages: crisis/diagnosis, redress, forgiveness and acceptance, binding, and reparative mission. Each is marked by its own characteristic techniques, whereas some symbolic elements manifest the different stages throughout the liturgy. This liturgy demonstrates how one liturgy can speak to various factions and stages in the process of accommodating a new norm (Christian unity) within a contested set of identities (“Lutheran” and “Catholic”). It is in the stages of forgiveness and binding that the relationship between the ritual-symbolic realm and the real work of social reconciliation is most directly visualized.

Each column of this table captures a ritual context that might precipitate ritual action: for example, one might have protest rites early on in the process of reconciliation, when ritual agents are still demanding their needs to be taken seriously in the context of a hostile or indifferent regime. "Redressive" action from the regime might be positive (conciliatory changes in policy) or negative (repressive action).
Positive action might provoke a therapeutic rite that affirms the oppressed group's right to power and resources. Later in the process, separate rituals of acceptance or reintegration might allow the formerly oppressed group (now having equal access to power) to reimagine their narrative being bound or (re)integrated into the broader social context. 9 At every stage of the process, ritual both reveals and changes the existing landscape: individuals enter each ritual with ideologies and goals, and ritual aids the formation and reformation of goals and the sorting and resorting of individuals into groups committed to these goals.

9)
Reparation, in this context, refers to rituals that bring a social conflict to a final, symbolic conclusion, rather than, as in contemporary U.S. political discourse, to a system for the efficient redistribution of goods Social drama, according to V. Turner, is precipitated by "the breach of a norm, the infraction of a rule of morality, law, custom or etiquette in some public arena." 10 A crisis results when "members of a group inevitably take sides." 11 "The elders, lawmakers, judges, priests, and law enforcers" may attempt to defuse the situation, but if their interventions are inadequate, "a mounting crisis follows … seeming peace becomes overt conflict and covert antagonisms become visible." 12 Critically, in Turner's work with the Ndembu, a social crisis occurred when a breach exposed simmering tensions in group life: "among the Ndembu, prolonged social dramas always revealed the related sets of oppositions that give Ndembu social structure its tensile character." 13 "Protest rituals," like marches, writing, fasting, and boycotts, can be used to publicize one's allegiance to a particular faction. 14 Disputes over an alleged breach are sometimes disputes over competing norms. In healing rites, divination investigates competing potential causes of affliction 15 ; analogously, social reconciliation rites negotiate competing norms for group allegiance. 16  (3) one ritual may occupy multiple "stages" or "typologies" to improve group consensus; and (4) some techniques serve as "hinge points" that allow an assembly to progress towards social reconciliation.

Positionality and method
The Lund liturgy (1)  The reflexive work I have done in this participant observation, then, consisted especially of bracketing some of these commitments to engage the ways the Lund liturgy speaks symbolically beyond the community of ecumenical insiders. My identity as teacher or teacher-scholar is probably just as influential (though more invisible) as that of ecumenist and theologian. Students, mostly undergraduate nontheology majors, watched the liturgy in class or in homework over the course of six years and asked questions from quite different locations, amplifying my critical distance. I enter Lund as a native and activist participating observer. 21 I am "studying up," 22 since subjects of this study and ritual experts in ecumenism have ample opportunities to publish their own interpretations.
As in the work of Ronald Grimes, this case studies is a short term study of an unusual rite that illuminates distinctive aspects of the methods of participant observation and the structures and limits of ritual theory. 23 Here I evaluate, expand, and refine theoretical work on ritual reconciliation and social drama.

The Lund liturgy: ritual reconciliation
The Lund liturgy takes its place in a long-standing historical social drama and negotiates internal social dramas in both Lutheran and Catholic circles. 100 years ago, both Lutherans and Catholics interpreted the schism between them as irrevocable, final, and justified. During the 20th century, a new norm for unity arose based on (1) extensive reflection on John 17 and other scriptural texts about unity 24 and (2) the growing understanding of baptized believers in Christ outside one's own church as "other Christians" rather than as heretics. 25 This new norm calls into question older norms about doctrinal purity, ecclesial superiority, and confessional identity. 26 The words "Lutherans" and "Catholics" in the rite are umbrella terms that ritually negotiate the conflict between normative unity and purity. 21) For further discussion of these terms, see for instance, Kirin Narayan, "How Native Is a 'Native' text, or action of the liturgy might represent a particular stage of progress toward unity. There are also fixed or recurrent symbols of unity that remain active throughout the rite, such as the ministers, vestments, and liturgical environment. At the same time, some of these permanent symbols address the secondary breach and crisis of the dispute over what "Lutheran" and "Catholic" mean; whether unity between Lutherans and Catholics is a norm against which the schism can be understood as a breach.
The diachronic symbolism of the structure of the liturgy creates an ecumenical narrative that tells of ecumenical progress; the fixed symbols express core messages of redress, forgiveness, and binding (the shared foundation of baptism, the trust in God's mercy, and hope for the future) to be retrieved synchronically throughout the rite and afterwards by means of visual memory. In the analysis to follow, I will distinguish between fixed or recurrent features that perdure through the whole liturgy and dynamic symbols that manifest various stages successively.

Breach, crisis, and diagnosis techniques
The critical question negotiated or diagnosed by each communion in the Lund liturgy is whether con-   For the liturgy to be effective as a symbol of the unity norm, Lutherans and Catholics as broadly as possible across the "secondary conflict" spectra must be able to identify the primary presiders with their tradition. Thus, the four presiders process together and are seated together on the dais before the altar   42) These quotations come from comments from students in my classes (both Catholics and Lutherans) who were exposed to anti-ecumenical confessionalization but had not heard of ecumenism before my undergraduate course, which begins by watching parts of the Lund liturgy. This reading is inevitably identified as an effective admonition against anti-ecumenical confessionalization.
narratives and making art as well as symbolic reversals of the damage (exorcisms and gathering at spaces remembered for injustice). 44 Redress is communicated in the Lund liturgy by recurrent motifs of baptism, the Holy Spirit, and martyrdom. These are recognized as ecclesial qualities among Lutherans by Catholic official documents and vice versa. The proclamation of the Gospel of mercy, too, is a redressive motif, inasmuch as both Gospel and mercy are central Reformation themes that are very important to Pope Francis.
Junge explicitly rejects an enclave reading of John 15:1-5: "we have seen one another as branches separated from the true vine, Christ." 45 Rather, those who chose, even before the beginning of official dialogues, to see one another as partners should inspire contemporary Catholics and Lutherans: "I feel deep gratitude for those bold prophets. As they lived and witnessed together they began to see one another no longer as separated branches but as branches united to Jesus Christ…. even in those periods of history when dialogue was broken between us, Christ continued talking to us." Junge exhorts Lutherans and Catholics today "to rely trustfully on the centripetal force of Baptism" (45:45).
The Repentance section of the liturgy is especially dedicated to the work of redress. It follows the jubilant "Reamo Leboga" (a Botswanan thanksgiving) and is composed of three parts: first, the readings already mentioned in 3.1; second, a prayer of repentance in three parts with a repeated response known as the "Kyrie from Syria, as taught by Mar Gregorios Yohanna Ibrahim, Syria"; third, the sharing of peace. Each of these elements redresses aspects of Lutheran-Catholic alienation.
In the Repentance section, creative renarration of the Reformation continues: Lutherans along with Catholics lament the schism and the history of violence associated with it. Shared narrative and shared emotive expression 46 that allows Lutherans and Catholics to speak of their divisive history in a unitive way. The prayers "lament … unintended negative consequences," "traemos ante ti el peso de las culpas del pasado," 47 and "confess" the ongoing perpetuation of division. In a nuanced fashion, these prayers acknowledge shared institutional responsibility without suggesting that contemporary Christians are guilty of their predecessors' sins. Rather than the "scapegoat" that appears in V. Turner's theory, the sacrifice of Lund presupposes a theology of participation. Christian unity is a participation in the unity of God, such that what is sacrificed in ecumenical reconciliation is the attachments Christians have to past narratives and attitudes of division. "Traemos ante ti" suggests that letting go of the past is a moral sacrifice, while the assembly's standing posture and the Kyrie serve as a sym-

Acceptance and forgiveness ritual techniques
At first glance, "acceptance and forgiveness" and "binding or schism" stages may seem difficult to differentiate. Indeed, both fall under V. Turner's "reintegration or schism" stage. Wepener distinguishes them by representative examples: acceptance or forgiveness is marked by "embracing; shaking hands; prayers; smoking; blessing; washing of hands; the use of crystals" and reintegration or binding rituals are marked by "eating and drinking together; declarations; register of reconciliation; symbolic funeral; sprinkling (with blood, for example); dancing." 50 The ritual techniques of acceptance and forgiveness seem to be directed towards one another by representatives of those who were previously at odds with one another; ritual gestures of binding (or of schism) have to do with common action with one another, but not necessarily towards one another.
The Lund liturgy supports this distinction: acceptance and forgiveness stretches from the bless- They proceeded to greet other ministers as the song continued. Meanwhile, in the assembly, the greeting was relatively briefer.
Since the pews were roped off, assembly members were also limited in the range of their greetings, so that the peace in the as-  sembly was much shorter than on the dais.
The effectiveness of the sign of forgiveness and peace as a ritual technique of acceptance and forgiveness rested on three of its elements. First, it was an embodied ritual gesture readily interpreted in both traditions. Second, it allowed for improvisation that allowed both participants and viewers to verify the emotional register of reconciliation: when Francis and Younan embrace, their handgrip and Francis's smile are visible on the camera, confirming the emotional valence of mutual acceptance and love. Third, it united both representation and participation: the gestures on the dais between representatives were very visible, but the assembly also exchanged the peace. On the Lutheran World Federation YouTube channel, there are two comments from viewers who were touched by watching this moment. One of them described the limitations of the roped-off pews from the perspective of a viewer: "we missed a great opportunity to come together across the aisle during the sharing of the peace … with their brothers and sisters in Christ." 51 The word "we" reveals the effective representation and participation of the sign, despite its limitation. Each of these elements roots the symbolic performance of the liturgy in real action outside the liturgy: confirming the connection between the Lund liturgy and the liturgical life of the two churches; confirming those leading the ecumenical movement feel true respect and mutual care for one another; and confirming that the representatives truly represent a rapprochement in which other Lutherans and Catholics participate.
The fixed symbol of the Lund cross made by Christian Chavarría Ayala represents the acceptance and forgiveness motif, manifesting partial unity between common baptism and a shared eucharistic

Binding (or schism) ritual techniques
For V. Turner, either binding ("the reintegration of the disturbed social group-though, as like as not, the scope and range of its relational field will have altered") or schism ("the social recognition of irreparable breach") may be ritually marked. 53   and navigate a space that seems too big for them encourages another kind of co-responsibility and investment. Every symbol of this part of the rite, from the font to the joint readers to the children and the large candles, symbolically speaks of a shared identity and responsibility: binding.
The binding of Catholics and Lutherans in this rite is symbolic and aspirational, not institutional.
Rituals of social reconciliation manifest how individuals, factions, and groups within institutions are also engaged at particular stages of the process, so that the "stage" of reconciliation is a dynamic ritual negotiation between a rite and its participants. The symbolic elements that speak of binding and a bright future with regard to the primary breach negotiated in the Lund liturgy also protest disunity for Lutherans and Catholics who take it as a mundane, neutral fact; they may even feed schism for enclave groups. The emotional power of this part of the rite is a plea for the contested norm. Often, people ask what the good is of ritual practice towards reconciliation if it does not immediately lead to institutional and complete unity, but the Lund liturgy seduces viewers to a global, diverse, uplifting, confident, and solemn future, as a challenge and a task. Such images of the future facilitate consensus around the developing norm.

Reparative mission
The Fifth Commitment, unlike the first four, concerns the relationship of Lutherans and Catholics jointly to the outside world: "Catholics and Lutherans should witness together to the mercy of God in proclamation and service to the world." 55 This provides a hinge between binding (a shared future with repaired relationship) and a turn towards the outside world (recognition as one actor by other groups). "Redress" renarrates the past; "acceptance" reaches the other in the present; "binding" looks toward the future; but "reparative mission" concerns working with the other in the world. Perhaps this is specific to the Christian understanding of "church" as an instrument of service to the world, 56 or perhaps it holds in other social contexts. Here my analysis departs from Wepener's, where "symbolic graduation ceremonies" occupy the final position ("reparation"). In the Lund liturgy, the binding has the sense of a symbolic graduation, but the final step is a turn towards a shared responsibility for the world. Lund cross in looking forward to an eventual celebration of communion: "Many members of our communities yearn to receive the eucharist at one table as the concrete expression of full unity. We long for this wound in the body of Christ to be healed." Two binders were set before Francis and Younan, who turned to the last page and signed, then passed each document across, while the camera closed in on each man's hand for one signature. As they stand, the assembly broke into applause. Younan handed one binder to Francis and embraced him ( Figure 5). Francis and Younan wave, and the assem-

Conclusion
The Lund liturgy shows several ritual techniques in social reconciliation rites. First, a single rite can encompass multiple stages of social drama, negotiating for each participant between competing factions, goods, and norms. Communities are usually at multiple stages of the process, and often perform rituals that simultaneously speak at all stages. Some complex rituals might contain all the parts of the process, while some stages might require many rituals to move the process forward. In addition to dynamic elements that express the diachronic character of the process of social drama, complex reconciliation rites contain fixed or recurrent elements that express aspects of the process in a synchronic way. This initiates new persons or factions and facilitates the acceptance of specific norms by members who are yet undecided.
The 'crisis' aspect is marked by diagnostic ritual that claims specific norms and performs particular interpretations of the contested identity. Diagnosis and 'redress' can be iterative: each act of redress responds to a specific interpretation of the crisis. Redress may take the form of creatively retelling a narrative of the past or of symbolically reversing the damage. Redress might uncover additional damage or misinterpretation, which will naturally spark new diagnostic ritual techniques. If redress is satisfactory to enough influential representatives of both parties, the process might proceed to 'acceptance and forgiveness', marked by a direct turn towards the other and rejection of past hostility.
The gestures in this stage of the rite are familiar, emotive, and symbolize protracted redress outside the realm of ritual. This transparency to real redress likewise holds for ritual 'binding', which envisions a shared future. Compared to 'redress' and 'acceptance', 'binding' ritual actions no longer visually differentiate the two parties, but rather act together as one rather than towards one another.
The 'reparative mission' of the Lund liturgy is quite different from the 'reparation' found in the South African liturgical context. It is marked by a turn together outward towards the world, preferentially towards those who are materially suffering. More study is needed to determine whether this is idiosyncratic and contextual, particular to the character of Lutheran-Catholic schism and dialogue (as is the emphasis on baptism and mercy), or whether it is a broader ritual phenomenon. Perhaps the stages after redress are more fluid (as V. Turner's picture of social drama might suggest) and turning outward is an aspect of binding/schism/reparation, which can be performed in various orders and configurations.
In the Lund liturgy, the norm of Christian unity competes with anti-ecumenical understandings of "Lutheran" and "Catholic" identity. The rite negotiates for a vision of Lutherans and Catholics as partners, each marked by global diversity, on a journey towards a shared eucharistic table. Symbolic allies for this interpretation include linguistic and cultural variety, baptism, God's mercy, and the Holy Spirit. The global and multilingual character of Lutheran and Catholic faith, expressed together in multilingual and multicultural worship, relativizes the continental European character of the historical division, suggesting a way forward that need not be dominated by European disputes. The end of the